Volume 1
Women of Many Answers
by Celine Aljamil – Contributor
I met this wide-eyed lion
who blinds my eyes with her light
In her presence my voice thins into a reverberating hum
There is nothing I could say to her that she hasn’t heard
My presence is like a
Blank page or a mirror
She doesn’t shy away from me
I have been with women of many answers
Women who steal pulses from my heart
Sift them with their hands
Then place them on my eyes
And lead me home.
We sat at a café in mindless silence
I waited for her to finish eating pancakes
All plans failed after that
She was changing too fast, and the air was still
I left her there and she has only been polite to me ever since
I have been with women of many answers
Ones who taught me how to pray
Ones who taught me how to kiss
I ask her what does it take to meet God?
A room full of incense
Minimalist furniture
Arabic calligraphy on the wall
What does it take to get kicked out of God’s room?
Purple hair
Skipping a few kisses to the mat
Forgetting the candle on
If I carry the candle to the bar and bring it back
Is it still God’s candle? Has God ever entered a bar?
Does it suffocate you, the smell of the bar in God’s candle?
let me lick my finger and turn its flicker off
Then lick my burnt finger and flick my lover’s breast
Her flame is balm
I have been with women of many answers
I met a woman that learned to subdue
And another that wrote whole timelines for her children
now I hold my lovers’ hands as they trail behind
I lead the small sidewalk
it’s the only place we can walk
it’s the only way I’ve been taught to love
to engineer the warmth even if my hands get sweaty
treading through claustrophobic horizons
thin lines, they are thin lines
like the way we fall in and out of talking
the way I see her care for others like it’s her profession
the way I kissed her to stop her from talking about other boys
and she thought it was practice
the way the only confrontations I have with my mother
are over the phone
because it can only end with us closing the line
I have been with women of many answers
My presence is like the next page or a single shard
Enough to carry all the lines
Enough to deflect their light
How does gender shape our perception of God and the Divine?
by Yara Mroueh – Staff Writer
The human body holds a lot of wisdom in it, which can guide us in how we navigate its environment and deal with its natural elements in our daily lives. However, we have been conditioned in different ways to silence this body and to remain separated from it via social constructs. This is manifested in the way we talk to it, the way we deal with emotions, and the way we label this body depending on its biological sex. We restrict it to a certain gender and hold many expectations of it depending on this gender that we choose to assign to it at birth. This prevents us from exploring its power and the deserved freedom of flowing between the masculine and the feminine energies held within. These two energies, the masculine and the feminine, are the base of the universe and everything we encounter within and beyond us on a regular basis. When we recognize this and we learn how to deal with it, a lot of power can rise on an individual and a societal level. This power can be extreme; it can be very magical and wonderful, yet our lack of understanding of it can lead to the destruction we are witnessing today on the psychological, social, political, and environmental levels.
Religion has been the main guide in how we deal with our bodies and its physical needs. It has imposed certain rules which are either viewed as beneficial or harmful. While these rules are a necessity to have in a society, they shouldn’t be the only source of guidance, and they certainly should not be forced on any individual. The body has many ways of guiding the spirit in daily life. It gives subtle signals to help us reach a comfortable lifestyle and find people and habits that nourish us. These can be traced in the frustration we feel when we go against its needs and when we perpetuate habits that do not serve us to conform to certain social standards. Every individual has a way of life and no one standard can fit all. When this idea is overlooked, it can cause a lot of confusion and frustration among the people and their relationship with themselves. This only benefits the people in power who are increasingly violating human rights when it comes to this issue, such as policing women’s bodies, imposing laws against abortion and anti-trans laws. These acts of violation accumulate into greater power and make people feel completely helpless. To have sovereignty over one’s body is one of the main and basic human rights yet the road to gaining and maintaining this right has been long and bumpy. To this day, the struggle continues.
One of the reasons for this issue is that religion has mostly been interpreted by the men in power who have analyzed it from a patriarchal point of view, which has transferred into religious doctrine and has transformed our image of God into an almighty, powerful being that aims to control and restrict our sense of freedom. These, however, are only the traits of the same people ruling over us religiously and politically. They perpetuate these outdated ideas that originated with the formation of a capitalist society. As Friedrich Engels and others have argued, the subordination and exploitation of women originated with the emergence of private property, in which the control of women’s sexuality ensured the paternity of the children and made heredity possible. Many societies transformed from being matrilineal at that time and remained to this day under the rule of patriarchy and capitalism which are interdependent. Therefore, religion has become a tool in the hands of politicians to ensure that the system continues to serve them as it does today.
We have been trained to shame, control or restrict, and sometimes to completely let go of control over the body, which only destroys the relationship we have with it. Recently, we have also been fed with ideas about the importance of individualism, self-help, and self-isolation, to build control over one’s life and reach ultimate power. These ideas are destructive and they go against human nature which has a need for community and social connection. This is one of the most profound and holy needs for the thriving of the self and the society. I have emphasized this idea, of having freedom and a good relationship with one’s body, as well as a supportive community, because I believe this to be the main portal towards connecting with one’s inner wisdom or magic, which can be referred to as “the divine/God/the spiritual power,” etc. These ideas are indeed emphasized in many religious and spiritual traditions, whose leaders have aimed to empower rather than destroy and gain control.
In Chinese philosophy, the yin and the yang are opposite but interconnected forces. Yin is considered the receptive, dark, feminine force and Yang the active, light, masculine force. They are complementary and interdependent in the natural world, and their symbolic representation appears in other religions such as Buddhism and Taoism. Each force is sacred but cannot exist on its own, or destruction would prevail. In other religions, such as Islam, men usually take on the leadership roles. The lack of female presence in many religious positions means that the full potential of this religion has not yet been acquired, which is something to be changed. Even the way we deal with the natural world has taken on the form of dominance which we are experiencing in the human social world. We consider ourselves superior to the natural world, and fail to see that we belong to it, and emerge from it, and that there is divinity in every creature and every element. Therefore, we have mistreated our environment, and ourselves. This, again, is not the case with all cultures, where some have learned to respect and connect with nature in ways that allow them to thrive.
The last thing I would like to touch on is the menstrual cycle. The menstrual cycle and menstrual blood are considered sacred in some cultures, but are seen as a sign of impurity in others. Here is where we have failed as human beings. The regulation of emotions and labeling them as “extreme” in certain aspects, especially coming from women who speak up about their experiences, means that we still have an issue with the natural parts of ourselves. In many cases, women have been labeled as hysterical and even called “witches.” The lack of proper scientific research that helps women understand their bodies instead of fitting into a system that is desensitizing to all, is very dangerous. It shows that we still have a long way to go in our navigation of our relationship with god and the divine. The moment we stop this cycle, and start respecting the feminine as well as the masculine in each of us, we will begin to thrive in every sense. To truly connect with God, we need to respect all elements of nature, and to accept them as parts of ourselves, especially the parts we have for so long considered as “dark” or “negative.” We need to learn from other cultures who have experienced this before us, to know how to return to our nature. We need to understand that religion is only a pathway and not the end goal in our relationship with the divine, and that to each their own religion. There is no one ultimate basis to which we will all belong, but there is one truth, which is that all beings of nature are sacred. Harmony cannot be forced, but it can be set as a main goal for humanity, knowing that to each their own set of rules, as long as no hurt is caused upon others. And this, ultimately, is what most religions have agreed upon, but have failed to properly establish.
I am woman
by Hadjer Rezzoug – Contributor
I am a woman I am softhearted
I am sweet and cute so I can be smarted
I can be broken into small pieces of ashes
I can be drowned in my sorrow of deepen gashes
Because of my sensitivity I can be easily blushed
But
I can collect those tiny broken pieces to make an art
I am an artist and my weapon is my brush to colorize my heart
I am violinist and I can dance on the strings of my pain
I am florist and I can grow land of flowers to stain
I can be whatever I want because I have super magic
That prosper my dynamic
Whatever I am going through I will always keep floating
Whomever I am facing I will always keep challenging
Because I am already burned, inside and I know how to use my flame
So I can start my fire of fame
Pursuing a Career in Medicine Amidst the Gender Gap
by Dounya Farhoud
Much has been written in the last decades about women in scientific careers. However, the literature is ambivalent when it comes to bridging the gender gap in medicine. Following a descriptive qualitative study conducted by the psychology department at Princeton University, “Women are underrepresented in fields where success is believed to require brilliance,” such as engineering, medicine, and mathematics. Alas, the marginalization and lack of visibility targeted toward women’s academic successes touch every field. Such underrepresentation is, at its core, systematic, rooting back to cultural and gender socialization that affect career decision-making and ultimately the integration of women in such fields.
Efficient decision-making represents an essential tool in helping people navigate their way through the path of career choosing. And choosing a career represents one of the most challenging decisions one can undergo (Rothwell, 2002) since it defines the person as an individual, establishes their role in the community, and determines their academic and personal satisfaction. In hopes of selecting the road that fits them most, teenagers must explore their aspirations and limits while a multitude of intertwined factors comes into play such as interest, perception of the career, cultural and socioeconomic backgrounds, and gender (Kooli, 2018). People’s perceptions of different careers are shaped by various factors, including cultural values, personal experiences, social norms, and media representations. Consequently, the unavoidable gender gap undoubtedly influences teenagers in their occupational choice, and this is reflected in the declining interest of women in medicine, for example. In 2012, drastic retention of STEM career interest from 15.7% to 12.7%, was noted among female high school students. Interestingly enough, the statistics remained the same with their male counterparts at 39.9% (Sadler, 2017). This discrepancy illustrates how some careers come to be known as “male-dominated fields.”
This description stems from implicit (or explicit in some cases) sexism and misogyny. One way in which women are reprimanded based on their gender is by the so-called criticism and labeling of women as “emotional” or “provocative” based on their reactions, looks, and mannerisms. A woman’s assertive and confident leadership skills can easily come off as rude, unlikable, and even narcissistic. The risk of being in a vexing and unfair workplace due to sexism is not the sole reason women opt out of these “male-dominated” STEM career paths. In a gendered conservative milieu, a woman’s professional and economic positions are limited due to societal and familial pressures (Wahba, 2018). For instance, she would be more encouraged by her entourage and parents to found a family and devote her time to her husband and children. While specialty choice, practice patterns, and regions all contribute to different remuneration, the impact of implicit biases, such as gender, intensifies discrepancies between male and female compensation. The gender pay gap in medicine is a significant issue that persists across various specialties, regions, and fields. Studies consistently indicate that female physicians, on average, earn less than their male counterparts (an average of 20-30%). The implicit yet constant steering of women away from medicine as a career eventually leads to the medical underrepresentation of women. The lack of visibility accorded to women and the marginalization of their achievements play an important role in the decision-making process of a potential future female-physician. Hence, one can say that gender, along with a multitude of factors, impacts a girl’s perceived self in medicine and other male-dominated fields.
This perception of the self can be further examined through the lens of the social-cognitive feminist theoretical framework that espouses that societal expectations and traditional gender norms jeopardize the participation of girls in competitive and challenging career orientations. In hopes of mending and closing the gender gap, diverse projects came to light, such as the “Association of Women Surgeons & their Women in Surgery Interest Group affiliations” (AWS-WSIG). This association aims to empower, encourage, and support women throughout their path to becoming a surgeon. They offer a variety of activities, such as webinars, workshops, and daily informative posts on their platform. Their initiative gives credit and recognition to the overlooked women in surgery, highlights role models in surgery, and contributes to the members’ education with the information provided. Nevertheless, this project has limitations, such as a mandatory membership fee that might not be affordable to the public and a targeted female population who is already enrolled in a medical program and solely interested in surgery.
Considering the aforementioned factors that impact a girl’s decision to pursue a career in medicine, and the limitations of the AWS, I decided to hold a primary guidance session. This online session aims at providing young high school girls with guidance, orientation, and mentorship to pursue a career in medicine. This free-of-charge session included a brief introduction about myself, my educational & career path, along with the obstacles I faced. I also advanced on the discrepancies and challenges that women will eventually face. I presented a variety of medical specialties and shared with the attendees free of charge resources that will help them in their journeys, such as websites offering free courses, clinical volunteering opportunities, and virtual clinical shadowing experiences. Alternative career paths were also discussed. Finally, the attendees briefed me about their motivation, eagerness, concerns, and aspirations in pursuing a career in medicine. Considering some schools do not provide career counseling services, I chose to hold this mentorship session. Mentoring, especially in medicine, enhances the development of trainers and trainees (McKenna, 2011). Indeed, equipping young high school girls with information, resources, and insight can empower and guide them toward accomplishing their aspirations. It is pertinent to highlight that mentoring and guidance are key, they are not a panacea for the rooted systemic issues that contribute to the gender gap in medicine. It should be emphasized that structural inequalities constitute constraints on what can be achieved; thus, addressing them and implementing broader systemic changes are crucial to fulfill gender equity in medicine.
References
Aacap. (2016). Teen Brain: Behavior, Problem Solving, and Decision Making. American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. Retrieved May 7, 2022, from https://www.aacap.org/AACAP/Families_and_Youth/Facts_for_Families/FFF-Guide/The-Teen-Brain-Behavior-Problem-Solving-and-Decision-Making-095.aspx
Al-Abri, Nasser and Kooli, Chokri, Factors Affecting the Career Path Choice of Graduates: A Case of Omani (2018). Int. J. Youth Eco. 2, No.2, 105-117 (2018), Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3358422
McKenna, A. M., & Straus, S. E. (2011). Charting a professional course: A review of mentorship in medicine. Journal of the American College of Radiology, 8(2), 109–112. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jacr.2010.07.005
Meyer, M., Cimpian, A., & Leslie, S. J. (2015). Women are underrepresented in fields where success is believed to require brilliance. Frontiers in psychology, 6, 235. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00235
Sadler, P. M., Sonnert, G., Hazari, Z., & Tai, R. (2012). Stability and volatility of stem career interest in high school: A gender study. Science Education, 96(3), 411–427. https://doi.org/10.1002/sce.21007
Safta, C. G. (2015). Career decisions – a test of courage, responsibility and self-confidence in teenagers. Procedia – Social and Behavioral Sciences, 203, 341–347. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2015.08.305
Tuccio, M., & Wahba, J. (2018). Return migration and the transfer of gender norms: Evidence from the Middle East. Journal of Comparative Economics, 46(4), 1006–1029. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jce.2018.07.015
Voorhees, J., & Turner, A. (2017). High School Girls’ Negotiation of Perceived Self-Efficacy and Science Course Trajectories. Journal of Research in Education, 27(1), 79–113. Retrieved 2022, from https://eric.ed.gov/?id=EJ1142363.
The Role of Gender in Animating the Global War on Terror
by Ziad El Asmar
September 11, 2001, was a pivotal day in history. It marked the beginning of the longest war in the United States’ decades of existence: The War on Terror. Being the first war of the 21st century, this conflict coincided with a time characterized by gender activism. As such, the War on Terror was animated by gendered ideologies. Not only were they central to the discourse that promoted the war but also dictated some of the practices and tactics used by both combatting sides. In fact, the Bush administration weaponized gender to make the public acquiescent to the war. An analysis will be done by studying and delineating the concept of sovereign masculinity along with the idea that the West is a bastion of gender tolerance. In addition, how gender ideologies manifested themselves by influencing the actions of combatants on the ground will be explored all throughout.
As discussed extensively by Susan Sontag in her book, On Photography, ideologies are a crucial prerequisite to cause reactions to the news, especially in their pictorial form (Sontag, 2005). The US administration understood this and successfully capitalized on gendered norms and social constructs to promote its war. One prominent tactic that President Bush relied on to push a pro-war narrative was what Bonnie Mann characterized as “Sovereign Masculinity” (Mann, 2014). To understand this concept, we should begin by unpacking what is gender for Mann. She argues that gender extends beyond being a social construct to carry an ontological weight in itself. It is a “lived reality” that can be known through experiences. As such, gender is not a fixed notion but a fluid reality whose ontological weight is not rigid. Indeed, Mann claims that gender’s importance for someone could vary depending on the situation or context surrounding an event. However, changing gender is not a simple transitional phase. It is a painful process that usually comes through violent actions. This is because gender is a core structure of a person’s self thus, it affects all aspects of life. It is what gives someone a sense of belonging to a place, to a community, and, “undoing” or changing it could destroy an individual (Mann, 2014).
After explaining what Bonnie ascribes gender as, we now move on to understanding the notion of Sovereign Masculinity and analyzing its role in promoting the War on Terror. This concept is a description of the manifestation of gender on a national scale through its relation to culture and practices. Thus, we can say that gender has personal and national realms that are intertwined and closely related. Bonnie Mann explains that nations thrive towards considering themselves sovereign (Mann, 2014). Social norms usually associate this attribute with masculine traits similar to strength and violence. Consequently, feminine traits are perceived negatively, and the name “National Manhood” is used interchangeably with Sovereign Masculinity. However, since nations are not human beings, this desire to be manly is more of a figurative notion that refers to exercising authority in a gendered manner – specifically through violent masculinity. As such, Sovereign Masculinity requires foundations in the realm of reality. Mann explains that these foundations are provided through borrowing meaning or legitimacy from actual concrete manifestations of gender on the individual level. These manifestations mostly relied on breaking the manhood of other males (or sovereign beings in a sense) and asserting dominance. (Mann, 2014).
Moving onto our case study, the War on Terror, we can notice how sovereign masculinity was at play. Being a world superpower, the United States perceives itself as a strong and manly nation. The attacks of 9/11 came to shake the foundations of such perceptions. The whole nation felt as if it was castrated, feminized, and powerless. Bonnie Mann goes as far as discussing the graphic rhetoric that was circulating in the media: the US has been raped and the planes smashing into the twin towers were compared to acts of penetration. Washington’s consensus was that the country needed to man up and show its power. As a result, Bush adopted the personality of the teenage cowboy: a strong, fearless, and sometimes reckless figure that only acts firmly and powerfully. This was deemed necessary in hopes of erasing the shame and humiliation brought to the country by the events of 9/11. Sovereign Masculinity needed to be restored. Such focus on the gendered and emotional aspects of the events distracted the public from the root causes and helped promote a pro-war sentiment. Mann confirms this in her writings as she claims that through national manhood, young recruits had the opportunity to earn wages and defend the manliness of their country. Moreover, this concept made it easier for families of wounded or killed soldiers to accept the situation as this occurred while defending the nation’s honor and identity (Mann, 2014). In a nutshell, sovereign masculinity played an important role as a justificatory tool of the war by shifting society’s focus to the identity of the country and in turn, the identity of the citizen.
In addition to the national manhood concept, other gender-related ideologies helped keep the war ongoing by allowing the US public to self-validate its leaders’ foreign policy. Among these beliefs is the idea that Western countries are bastions of gender tolerance that are morally required to promote their cultural model and liberate the suffering Eastern women from their oppressive societies. This was exhibited in various forms. First of all, the tolerance culture surfaced through the videos of U.S. soldiers performing parodies of well-known songs. In these videos, deployed service members, often in their full combat gear, were dancing and singing in a feminine way. On the surface, these acts seemed to contradict the fact that armies are considered to be hyper-masculine environment. Thus, they constituted proof of the enlightenment of Western society compared to the barbaric Arab and Muslim worlds and emphasized the need to continue with this war in the eyes of the average citizen. This was confirmed and thoroughly discussed by Maria Pramaggiore in her book “Aesthetics and Affects of Cuteness.” She argues that these seemingly funny, gendered, and sexualized videos align perfectly with the U.S. propaganda machine justifying the War on Terror by, as I mentioned previously, pointing out the stark difference between the egalitarian West and the oppressive Middle East. After all, muscular soldiers on combat duty are defying the traditional gender norms of soldiering and are dancing like feminine cheerleaders without shame or hesitation. The positive perception of these videos was a result of the presence of an ideological context of superiority within the U.S. society. However, it is worth noting that such acts did not contradict the concept of sovereign masculinity as they were orchestrated by the enlisted soldier without any orders from higher-ups. Thus, the army maintained its manly status while also being portrayed in a cute and tolerant manner (Pramaggiore, 2016).
Secondly, the ways in which the policymakers and the media dealt with situations such as Jessica Lynch’s story support my argument that gender helped promote the war. To begin with, we should provide a bit of context about Lynch’s story. She was a private in the U.S. Army and a prisoner of war captured by Iraqi insurgents after her convoy was ambushed. Being wounded, she was transferred to a local hospital before being rescued by U.S. Special Forces. Jessica’s story was highly capitalized on by both politicians and the media alike. This was because she fit the archetype (ideal stereotype or embodiment of an actor) of the perfect American female soldier. She was a young, white woman with feminine traits from a middle-class family living in a small town (Kumar, 2004). And, given the fact that media works in conjunction with the dominant ideology i.e. through archetypes and myths (stories) (Howard & Prividera, 2008), her story was meticulously constructed to fit the propaganda narrative even if that required altering truths. Consequently, Jessica was falsely portrayed as a tough yet feminine woman who fought till the last bullet before requiring the assistance of her stronger and more capable male comrades to evade the monstrous captors that raped and assaulted her. Despite her testimony that the story is mostly fabricated and that she was treated well and never assaulted, the media continued to circulate the version deemed fitting the political agenda of the county’s leaders (Kumar, 2004). The rationale behind such a dramatized account of the events is to confirm the ideology of moral superiority and egalitarianism of Western society compared to the Muslim one. In addition to that, this framing of the events moved the story to a personal and emotional level. Lynch could’ve been the mother, daughter, or sister of any American. Moreover, the adherence to the pre-existing archetype of a female soldier allowed the story to be more easily digestible to the average citizen. It is worth noting that other prisoners of war did not receive such hyper-mediatization as their gender, race, or story as a whole did not fit the dominant narrative. One prominent example is Soshana Johnson who was also with Lynch but, due to her being black, she did not qualify for the status of “girl next door” (Kumar, 2004). Thus, it becomes clear that by reinforcing pre-existing ideologies of gender tolerance and enlightenment, the US administration managed to keep its war machine running.
After explaining some ways in which gender facilitated the justification of the war, we move on to exploring how gender dictated some of the actions and tactics of both warring factions. One manner in which it affected combat tactics is through female suicide bombers. Suicide bombing in itself is a spectacular act that draws lots of media attention and, as discussed in Stahl’s documentary “Militainment, inc.,” the spectacle aspect of a war is a key strategy to gain public support in a war (Stahl, 2015). In an attempt to take the spectacle to the next level, insurgent factions resorted to having a female perpetrator to give their cause more spotlight (Asad, 2007). This could be related to Dorit Naaman’s argument that “woman” and “terrorist” are “two ideological expectations of performance rather than actual states of being in the world” (Naaman, 2007). This is based on the previously stated fact that gendered and ideological framings affect our reaction to events around us. In the “common knowledge” of societies, a woman is perceived as the weaker side compared to her male counterpart. She is the caregiver that would sacrifice herself for the well-being of the family and society. On the contrary, the social construct of terrorism relates to the hyper-masculine traits of violence and barbarism. As such, due to them being expectations of behavior as Naaman pointed out rather than actual actions when people hear the term terrorist, they associate it with a man (masculine traits) and do not expect to see a woman performing such acts given the pre-supposed idea they have on what a woman is and what she does. Consequently, having female terrorists or even suicide bombers is an intriguing, unfamiliar, and, shocking event. The ideological perceptions are shattered. Thus, society tries to find framings or solutions to this negation of stereotypical ideas. It is exactly this shattering of ideologies that makes the employment of female suicide bombers a great strategy to bring attention to a cause, especially in instances of imbalance of power (Naaman, 2007).
All in all, gender is at the core of the War on Terror. It extends beyond being a social construct to carrying an ontological weight that affects individuals and nations alike. Its dynamic relationship with media and violence allowed the US administration to make the public more acquiescent to the idea of going to war by capitalizing on the concept of Sovereign Masculinity as well as emphasizing the pre-existing ideological narratives of gender tolerance and superiority. Moreover, gender and its ties to media and violence dictated the actions of combatants such as the resort of insurgents and terrorist organizations to female suicide bombers in an attempt to create a spectacle and gain media attention for their cause. It is worth noting that the entanglement of gender with conflict and specifically the War on Terror is far more complicated and this article only attempts to give a small insight into it.
References
Asad, T. (2007). Introduction. In On suicide bombing. introduction, Columbia University Press.
Howard, J. W., & Prividera, L. C. (2008). The fallen woman archetype: Media representations of Lynndie England, gender, and the (AB)Uses of U.S. female soldiers. Women’s Studies in Communication, 31(3), 287–311. https://doi.org/10.1080/07491409.2008.10162544
Kumar, D. (2004). War propaganda and the (ab)uses of women. Feminist Media Studies, 4(3), 297–313. https://doi.org/10.1080/1468077042000309955
Mann, B. (2014). Sovereign masculinity. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199981649.001.0001
Media Education Foundation. (2015). Militainment, Inc.: Militarism & Pop Culture. SAGE Knowledge. Retrieved February 19, 2023, from https://doi.org/10.4135/9781473929036.
Naaman, D. (2007). Brides of palestine/angels of death: Media, gender, and performance in the case of the Palestinian Female Suicide Bombers. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 32(4), 933–955. https://doi.org/10.1086/512624
Pramaggiore, M. (2016). The Aesthetics and Affects of Cuteness, 95–108. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315658520
Sontag, S. (Ed.). (2005). In Plato’s Cave. In On Photography (1st ed., pp. 1–19). essay, RosettaBooks.
Exploring the Spirituality of Adolescents and Teenagers
by Tara Haddad – Staff Writer
Adolescence is a period characterized by uncertainty and change. In this period, young adults begin to understand their place within society, and several factors begin to take shape in their lives. However, while some aspects of their life may crystallize fully at this stage, others continue evolving. The nature of spirituality is diverse and continues to progress across generations. Over the years, however, there seems to be a reduction in the breadth and depth of spiritual engagement among adolescents. Compared to their older counterparts, teenagers are less inclined towards spirituality and more likely to identify as atheists or agnostics. Although adolescents are less likely to believe in God, that does not mean they reject spirituality completely. Younger generations are deviating from traditional religion and embracing a spirituality that resonates with their personal experiences. Perhaps the vibrancy of adolescent spirituality is not diminishing, but rather, evolving.
While some may use the terms religion and spirituality interchangeably, a more in-depth look shows where the two differ. While most religions emphasize spiritualism as a central component of faith, being spiritual does not necessarily denote religiosity. For instance, spirituality encompasses an individual’s personal journey to connect with the divine. This personal quest is bound by no rules and is often experienced in solitude. Religion, on the other hand, involves large groups of people sharing a common belief. The practice of religion often involves pre-established rules and rituals.
The question of whether spirituality is ‘thinning-out’ among younger generations is complex and can vary among cultural and socioeconomic contexts. While it is true that organized and traditional religions may be experiencing a decline in certain regions, it does not necessarily mean that spirituality itself is diminishing. Younger generations are driven towards more individualistic and diverse spiritual approaches, rather than adhering to established religious institutions. They may explore alternative areas, such as meditation and mindfulness, and seek spiritual frameworks that emphasize self-discovery and growth.
Research findings reveal a distinct longitudinal pattern beginning with the generation preceding 1928, wherein a gradual decline in the prioritization of conservation values and a simultaneous upsurge in the embrace of openness to change have been identified as prominent drivers behind the observed decline in religiosity within societies (Koscielniak et al., 2022). However, it is essential to consider the socio-cultural environments in which the older and younger generations were nurtured, as this plays a pivotal role in elucidating the observed decline in religiosity.
For instance, the Matures (born between 1928 and 1945), experienced the Great Depression and World War II. Amidst uncertainty and turmoil, many sought a profound sense of clarity and inner peace through religion. The Matures are widely recognized for their diligent work ethic and unwavering dedication. They exhibit a strong inclination to uphold long standing traditions and an acceptance of authority. They value conservation and conformity more than younger generations, such as Millennials (born between 1977 and 1997), who are characterized as independent, innovative, adaptable, and change-oriented (Tapscott, 2009). Younger generations, however, tend to shift towards individualistic, self-enhancement, and change-oriented values (Marcus et al., 2017). This could be attributed to the increase in technology and emphasis on education, alongside a dynamically changing society (Gong et al., 2018).
Although there is a noticeable contrast in religious adherence between older generations and Millennials and younger generations, the latter are equally inclined to participate in a wide range of spiritual practices. These include thinking about the meaning and purpose of life, as well as feeling a deep sense of curiosity about the universe at least once a week (Pew Research Center, 2015). In an increasingly expanding world, with access to several different forms of spirituality, adolescents can benefit from a wide selection of different beliefs. When faced with many options, they may feel as though selecting one religion is inconvenient. Spirituality allows adolescents to relish the benefits organized religion has to offer, such as social connections and moral guidance, without the parts that contradict their personal beliefs. Through shaping their worldview, adolescents cultivate personalized spiritual journeys, allowing them to embrace a belief system that truly resonates with their core being.
Adolescence marks a transformative phase where young adults navigate their evolving identities. While religious engagement may wane among adolescents compared to older generations, it is essential to distinguish between religion and spirituality. Young individuals are increasingly drawn to spirituality, seeking personal connections with the divine and exploring alternative paths beyond traditional religious institutions. This shift reflects their desire for individualistic approaches that emphasize self-discovery and growth. Undoubtedly, the ability to tailor spirituality to an individual’s needs will continue to flourish for as long as adolescents are trying to understand the complexities of the world in which they live.
References
Koscielniak, M., Bojanowska, A. & Gasiorowska, A. Religiosity Decline in Europe: Age, Generation, and the Mediating Role of Shifting Human Values. J Relig Health (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10943-022-01670-x
Gong, B., Ramkissoon, A., Greenwood, R. A., & Hoyte, D. S. (2018). The Generation for Change: Millennials, Their Career Orientation, and Role Innovation. Journal of Managerial Issues, 30(1), 82–96. http://www.jstor.org/stable/45176570
Marcus, J., Ceylan, S., & Ergin, C. (2017). Not so “traditional” anymore? Generational shifts on Schwartz values in Turkey. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 48(1), 58–74. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022022116673909
Addressing Gender Based Violence in Religious Communities
by Marwah Al Sakkaf – Staff Writer
Gender-based violence (GBV) is a serious issue that affects societies on a large scale, with approximately one in every three women experiencing GBV in their lifetime and 5000 honor killings reported annually [1]. Additionally, in 2022, at least 38 cases of fatal shootings and violent deaths among transgender individuals have been reported, although the actual number may be higher due to underreporting or misreporting [2]. Numerous factors contribute significantly to the promotion of GBV, but none plays a more prominent role than religion. Throughout history, religious beliefs have had a considerable influence in shaping societal gender norms. Certain religious teachings have reinforced patriarchal structures and thus contributed to the widespread occurrence of GBV.
GBV refers to any type of violence that is committed against individuals based on their gender, mainly targeting women and marginalized sexual groups including LGBTQ+ community members, it includes physical, sexual, psychological, and economic abuse and harmful practices. Women face GBV in many forms such as forced marriage, female genital mutilation, marital rape, reproductive coercion, male guardianship, and honor killing. Additionally, LGBTQ+ community members experience various types of GBV that include homophobic and transphobic violence as well as corrective rape and forced conversion therapy.
And of course, religious texts are a significant source of GBV normalization and the perpetuation of harmful gender stereotypes. These texts lack recognition and acceptance of gender diversity, creating a hostile environment for nonbinary individuals and contributing to acts of violence. Also, they often depict male power and control, justifying GBV through concepts like wife obedience in Christianity, such as the passage “Wives, submit yourselves unto your husbands, as unto the Lord” [3], the Qwameh concept in Islam emphasizing men as caretakers of women and the verse of wife beating [4], and the Sati practice in Hinduism involving the act of burning a woman alive in the presence of her deceased husband’s body [5]. Furthermore, religious texts do not acknowledge gender as a spectrum, adhering to binary understandings of male and female, as seen in the story of Lot found in various religious texts where same-sex behavior is punished. This lack of recognition perpetuates the exclusion and marginalization of transgender and non-binary individuals, subjecting them to violence within Christian [6] and Islamic [7] religious contexts. So obviously these texts reinforce harmful gender stereotypes and reinforce unequal power dynamics within relationships.
Moreover, religious leaders, along with many of their followers, often justify GBV using religious principles or interpretations. They perceive religious texts as the unquestionable words of God, leaving no room for critical thinking or alternative perspectives. One prominent example is the Egyptian preacher Abdullah Rushdi, whose statements consistently display a bias against women. In one instance, Rushdi asserted that if the wife refuses to have sex with her husband, he may resort to harming her, depriving her of her beauty, controlling her, and subjecting her to humiliation. He claims that this behavior is natural for the stronger party seeking dominance [8]. This is just one example among many, illustrating how such justifications contribute to an environment where GBV is tolerated or disregarded within religious communities. These justifications arise from rigid interpretations and blind adherence to religious teachings and principles.
One of the effects of the aforementioned is the unique challenges faced by victims of GBV within religious communities when seeking support. Women often encounter difficulties in disclosing their experiences due to religious beliefs that perpetuate the concept that violence against them is a permissible entitlement for men. What is even more concerning is when women themselves adopt the belief that it is the right of men to humiliate or commit violent acts against them based on religious teachings. These beliefs, ingrained from upbringing, can lead to resistance or disbelief when survivors do come forward. Moreover, religious communities often prefer victims to remain silent as they recognize that if all women have the space to speak, voice their concerns, and seek justice, many women within their households would rebel against the oppression and violence they face. In this context, I recall an incident involving two Palestinian sisters, Wisam and Fatima Al-Taweel [9,10], who were victims of their abusive father’s violence. Despite escaping from their home on multiple occasions, they were repeatedly returned to their father, as their patriarchal religious community stood against them, asserting that women should not challenge their father’s authority and that he had the right to even cause them harm based on religious principles. This example, which is one of many, highlights the complex dynamics within religious communities, where harmful beliefs and social pressures perpetuate the cycle of GBV, making it even more challenging for victims to break free from abusive situations.
In conclusion, there is no doubt that religion plays a significant role in shaping societal norms and beliefs regarding gender. So, it is important to recognize and address the harmful aspects of religious interpretations and practices that perpetuate GBV with credibility and transparency. To promote a more equitable and violence-free society, several solutions and recommendations can be considered. Firstly, it is essential to separate religion from social life and understand it as a purely spiritual matter between individuals and their chosen gods to allow for a more inclusive and diverse understanding of gender roles and relationships. Secondly, there is an urgent need to reinterpret religious texts in ways that promote peace, equality, and non-violence. Religious texts were written in specific historical and cultural contexts and should be understood as such. Thirdly, religious leaders and institutions have a crucial role to play in refusing GBV and promoting gender equality. They can use their influence and platforms to speak out against violence, examples of such initiatives are the “Imams Against Domestic Violence” [11] and the Metropolitan Community Church (MCC) [12]. Moreover, religious communities should establish support systems for GBV survivors, offering safe spaces for disclosure where survivors are believed, supported, and protected. By addressing harmful religious interpretations, promoting inclusive values, and providing support to survivors, we can create religious spaces that contribute to a respectful, and GBV-free society.
References
NOWROJEE, S. (2023) Gender equality in 2022: The best, the worst, the most surprising, and most ridiculous, unfoundation.org. Available at: https://unfoundation.org/blog/post/gender-equality-in-2022-the-best-the-worst-the-most-surprising-and-most-ridiculous/?gclid=CjwKCAjwvpCkBhB4EiwAujULMpr-wGI9ZcxiwKQBltfmLtUEBpiiAgqRMsoRJ05XlRAn1XcQNK0MpxoChZYQAvD_BwE (Accessed: 10 June 2023).
Fatal violence against the transgender and gender non-conforming community in 2022, Human Rights Campaign. Available at: https://www.hrc.org/resources/fatal-violence-against-the-transgender-and-gender-non-conforming-community-in-2022 (Accessed: 12 June 2023).
Bible Ephesians, Chapter 5, Verse 22 Ephesians 5:22. Available at: https://biblehub.com/kjv/ephesians/5-22.htm (Accessed: 10 June 2023).
Surah An-Nisa – 34 Quran.com. Available at: https://quran.com/4:34 (Accessed: 10 June 2023).
Suttee, Hindu custom. Available at: https://www.britannica.com/topic/suttee (Accessed: 10 June 2023).
Bible gateway passage: Genesis 19, Bible Gateway. Available at: https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Genesis+19&version=NIV (Accessed: 19 June 2023).
Mahdi, A. (2021) Lot in the Quran, Islam4u. Available at: https://islam4u.pro/blog/lot-in-the-quran/ (Accessed: 19 June 2023).
Rushdy, A. (September 15, 2017). ممكن يشوهك عادي ويحرمك من جمالك ، ممكن يكتفك ويذلك ، ممكن يستعبدك. هو الأقوى وطبيعي سيفرتكك [Tweet]. Twitter. Retrieved from https://twitter.com/abdullahrushdy/status/908479964022034433?lang=ar.
Taweel, W.A. (2023) Escape, fear, and survival: My name is Wesam Al Taweel, and this is my story, Raseef22. Available at: https://raseef22.net/english/article/1091440-escape-fear-and-survival-my-name-is-wissam-altawil-and-this-is-my-story (Accessed: 14 June 2023).
State of Palestine: Protect Two Gaza Women at grave danger: Wissam al-Tawil and Fatimah al-Tawil (2023) Amnesty International. Available at: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde21/6375/2023/en/ (Accessed: 14 June 2023).
Stewart, P.H. (2016) Imams rally against domestic violence in the UK, Women | Al Jazeera. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2016/6/18/imams-rally-against-domestic-violence-in-the-uk (Accessed: 15 June 2023).
Inside MCC (no date) Metropolitan Community Churches. Available at: https://www.mccchurch.org/landing.html (Accessed: 15 June 2023).
Unforgiven
By Kherbouchi Zakaria – Contributor
Oh god.. I was a prisoner of my reason
I want you to set me free through solvation
Oh god.. Nothing can pull me away from your embrace, I am not going anywhere
No god! I bring the doom.. I bring the bless?
They say I am unforbidden, unforgiven and fearless
Oh god.. there is no need for divine love anymore, I can be a villain and hero without goddess level or high score
Oh my forbidden fruit.. temptation sweet as honey.. Oh my poisonous apple
You got me into trouble, I am no longer but an unforgiven prisoner.
Queering The Spiritual
by Malak Mansour – Associate Editor
Spiritual identity, just like sexual or gender identity, is formed reactively throughout life stages, and what we’re exposed to growing up shapes our belief systems, our principles, and eventually our ideology. The field of gender studies and sexuality has seen a gradual yet steadfast distancing and separation from all forms of organized religion. In other words, it has become secular. Nonetheless, the community has seen a significant increase in spiritual practices, a phenomenon that has especially boomed because of the pandemic. In an attempt to delve more into the spiritual scene vis-a-vis sexuality, I interviewed three young students between the ages 20-24 years who are either AUB students or alumni.
Malak: Can you describe or delineate when exactly you started to form a spiritual or religious identity and what were the factors that prompted it?
M: I was raised with an Isalmic background, so that was all I knew about spirituality and religious practices in general, but being queer doesn’t really fit with having an Islamic upbringing. So there was a state of dissonance because the practices don’t really match with who I am as a person. That factor really distanced me from spirituality in general. However, throughout the pandemic and because of social media exposure, I’m more open to different views of spirituality and I can recognize that it isn’t only Islam or other abrahamic religions; there’s a variety of ways in which you can practice spirituality.
S: I was exposed to religion as more of a belief system rather than a religion per se, you know? It was more “Islam dictates X so it is X. ” and you’re like, “okay, we’re not questioning that, that’s nice…” I grew unattached from Islam at around 12-13 years of age, and I think realizing you’re queer makes you rethink norms in general because you’re like, “Oh! I’m not straight, what else can be broken in terms of systematic rules?” I started being more spiritual around Thawra. I think it was because I had given up trying to find answers in normal religions, so I turned to tarot cards! New spirituality isn’t directly linked to queerness, it’s just directly linked to moving forward from organized religion. Queer people move forward from it because we are oppressed by it.
M: In general, the culture of organized religion and the people who practice it in Lebanon are very anti-queer, so it’s expected if queer people steer away from it, but at the same time I wouldn’t say that abrahamic religions are anti-gay because a lot of queer people still practice them.
N: For me, religion was forced on me, I grew up with it. When I was 8-9 years old, my mom was like “yalla baddik tit7ajabeh,” so I did not really form a religious identity. Whereas for spirituality, I started questioning things around me when I was 14-15 years old when I became more present on the internet. I discovered the queer community; I discovered queer people actually exist. It was mainly internet influence, I guess. It really pushed me to question some things like queerness and the hijab, for example. At first it started with hate. I was like “I hate religion, I wanna distance myself.” But growing up I decided I wanted to understand it, I wanted to know what’s wrong with me. I couldn’t keep hating it, I wanted to understand. Even when it came to spirituality, I wanted to discover more on Sufism, it seemed more authentic to me. But honestly, I just stopped where I was, I stopped questioning, I stopped searching, I came back to where I was when I was younger. I don’t know where I stand. I still have the urge to go back to the 16-17 year old me who tried to understand Sufism and read the Quran and interpret it properly, but I feel like I’m scared of discovering something that goes against what I believe in.
M: I agree with N, I feel like it’s a common theme among queer people. Where I’m at right now, it’s a struggle to search religion because it might not match with who I am, which will make me question myself and my existence even more. It’s an entire crisis because it’s associated with that place in my life where I didn’t have a positive experience with religion.
Malak: A great surge in alternative spiritual practices has been on the rise, especially amongst queer youths. Such practices have less to do with organized or abrahamic religions, and more to do with inter-connectedness with nature and the universe, in addition to tarot card readings, practicing affirmations, and even witchcraft that handles the esoteric properties of crystals and herbs, all of which are extensions of said connection with nature. If we were to extract the central theme of these practices, we’d find that the sense of community is what’s bridging the gap between queerness and spirituality, and historically, the communities that have been practicing, say, witchcraft for example, have been outcasted and ostracized, hence, queer. In your opinion or from experience, do you think that these alternative modes of spirituality can offer the sense of comfort that young queers are seeking sustainably? Or in other words, what’s the thing that spirituality is offering that the secular queer community isn’t?
S: It’s seeking the sense of comfort that abrahamic religions give to other people. We see it when someone dies. We hear “sar 3and Allah,” for example. This kind of comfort we can’t find in abrahamic religions because we are queer and the practice is homophobic, so we can’t really find comfort in the God that they speak of. We’d have to do a lot of emotional and mental labor to dissociate that God from religious institutions. That specific comfort is what attracts queer people to spirituality. Personally, I just don’t like organized religion, but I still think we live in a universe that listens, there’s no way there’s nothing out there, or at least it’s not very likely. Another place that is similar to abrahamic religions in terms of having holidays and practices is witchcraft, but it actually feels organic because it is closer to nature.
M: I agree with a lot of what you [S] said, we relate a lot to other forms of spirituality like witchcraft because they’ve been ostracized throughout history, which pushes us together, which gives a sense of community, in a way. I think why we’re [queer people] going towards spirituality as opposed to being secular is because as queer people, we’re forced to question things more than straight people throughout our entire lives, so there’s a lot of mental challenges and big questions that come to mind that secularism cannot answer such as existence, purpose, etc.
N: When you have a spiritual belief that you’re surrounded by nature, you feel protected. It offers a sense of safety and less vacuum in life. It gives direction. And this sense of guidance is something that the secular community cannot offer.
Malak: Building a spiritual identity is quite personal and individualistic, but the communal sense of belonging has to be fostered with peers and community members. Given that this fostering requires a physical space, how do you think young queers in Lebanon are navigating their spirituality amidst an ever-decaying financial and social crisis? And has occupying a physical space hindered this navigation?
S: Just like the fact that queer people cannot be shown in a physical space and/or are always in danger, the same thing goes for physical spaces for these spiritual practices. We don’t have a designated physical space, we need to know each other and then we go to someone’s house. A lot of queer spaces shut down, and they weren’t that many to begin with. It was very scary all the time; you would feel safe, until you didn’t.
M: The queer spaces we have in Lebanon are very commercialized in the sense that you have to buy something to be there, and they’re usually more expensive than their mainstream counterparts. It ostracizes queer people who have less financial capital. In Lebanon, you have to be well off to be part of the community so that you can engage with these spaces.
N: I feel like if queer people were to organize to discuss spirituality, having a physical space would be our obstacle. I also agree with M on the financial issue. You don’t feel queer enough if you don’t have money to access these queer coded spaces. Religion is mostly based on being able to communicate and to organize, so the limited physical spaces we have is one of the main hindrances that stand in the way of spirituality.
S: I also wanted to add to that. Because trans people are ostracized also within the LGBTQ community, a lot of trans people come together and form tight-knit communities. From within that community, many of them believe in and practice witchcraft and here, they create the physical space so that they are able to not just be in a safe space in terms of their identities, but also in terms of spirituality. I am a part of a group of trans people that meet once a month. We do a lot of cleansing rituals, it’s very fun. I don’t really know them as people per se, but you know them through their beliefs and practices. What brings us together isn’t just the practice, but also our identities and the acknowledgement that there’s an underlying pain that we all feel and that we’re trying to navigate through, in which one of the ways is spirituality and witchcraft. For example, we make safety pendants and participate in communal spells. Most of the time we’re trying to do enchantments for safety.
Malak: While some resort to alternative modes of spirituality, other young queer individuals aim to reframe their religion by challenging foundational discourses, thus engaging with their religion in a re-imagined context or framework. However, this form of activism has seen tremendous backlash from both the queer and non-queer community, arguing that religions are mobilized and empowered to vilify and pathologize queer people, and that navigating within these established religious institutions is paradoxical. Yet, the people who choose to forgo religion altogether are also at risk of ex-communication, isolation, and exile. Without casting judgment on either party, in your opinion, what are the nuances or factors that are important for you with which you choose to express your gender/sexual fluidity in relation to your spiritual practices? I.e. community? Connection with nature? Connection with the self? An afterlife or lack thereof?
N: For me, there’s no specific factor because I’m trying to understand everything religion is trying to embody. I’m trying to know what it [religion] means. Although, I don’t like how understanding religion isn’t so accessible to others whether it’s the language or the expressions used etc… I care about community and being able to understand spirituality or religion by ourselves. I don’t want to have to go to external references, I’m tired of having it inaccessible to us. Religion is very institutionalized and I’m trying to get out of that and engage with it on a more personal level.
S: Personally, what relates to spiritual practices is community in the un-hierarchal sense. In Islam for example, you have to refer to your sheikh or the 7adees, it’s always very far away and very above you. When it comes to spirituality for me, if I have a question, I just WhatsApp my friends like, “I have this thing where I keep falling and it’s not just because I’m really clumsy, what do you think I should do? Can you come over and we’ll cleanse my house together.” My friend got quite unlucky recently and they were like “someone definitely cast a spell on me,” we then made a box of trinkets with the intention to try and break it. I express my spirituality in cooperation with my friends, and usually it’s queer people who reach out to me and vice versa.